Income inequality in Latin America not persistent; poverty best tackled by development, less by redistribution
The analysis is important for those involved in the bioenergy sector in Latin America - a region with a large potential - because in ultimo, biofuels and biomass are agricultural commodities the production of which is intertwined with a large set of social and land ownership issues. Biofuels offer a major opportunity for development, but only if these social issues are addressed in-depth. The sector could become a catalyst for social change and justice, by putting land reform high on the agenda. On the other hand, it could just as well strengthen "the continuation of colonisation by other means", and worsen the existing conditions of inequality.
Frankema compares the income and possessions inequality in Latin American countries in the period from 1870 to 2000 in his thesis. With the help of historical-comparative and economic-qualitative methods, he demonstrates that the inequality in this period varied and thus disposes of the idea that the current income inequalities in Latin America are determined by the colonial past. Frankema: ‘It’s definitely not as is often claimed in the literature; it was so, it is so and it will always be so.’
Colonial roots
According to Frankema, although the political climate has the most influence on income differences, the roots of the income and possession inequality lie in the colonial past. Ethnic discrimination of Indian/African groups by descendents of the white colonists, and the associated unfair distribution of land, are remnants of the colonial time. One of the consequences of this inequality is poor education facilities for the poor, because the elite sends its children to private schools and has little interest in a good public education system. Without good education possibilities for the poor, social mobility in Latin America will remain limited.
Frankema in particular focuses on land issues, as former European colonies have a large and lucrative agricultural potential and large rural populations. Current land ownership structures too are strongly marked by colonial history, but in Latin America in particular, a post-colonial elite emerged that dominates agriculture until this very day:
Given the large weight of the rural sector in low developed countries, one would expect that the relation between land and income inequality would be strongest in Sub Saharan African countries. The empirical analysis [...] points out the opposite however. This surprising conclusion reveals an important difference between the colonial heritage of West and Central Africa versus Latin America.energy :: sustainability :: biomass :: bioenergy :: biofuels :: agriculture :: social justice :: colonialism :: globalisation :: land reform :: landless :: social inequality :: Latin America ::
Both regions are characterised by abundant endowments of land suitable to the production of cash crops. In Latin America a powerful landowning elite developed under three centuries of colonial rule. During the first wave of globalisation in the last quarter of the 19th century this elite was able to consolidate and probably even enhance its position, as the agricultural export sector expanded. West and Central African income inequality in the second half of the 20th century is based on a systematic squeeze of the rural majority population in favour of a small predatory urban elite. This type of inequality is rooted in the weak protection of property rights in unstable independent “states without nations”. Both regions carry the burden of “disproportional” levels of economic inequality. Those in power want to hold on to what they have and feel threatened by demands for accountability. Yet, the incentives shaping the attitude and actions of the elites in both regions differ fundamentally.
A landowning elite not only derives income from rent extraction, but also from the accumulation of capital and investments in agricultural enterprise. If landowners see opportunities to defend their stakes in economic development and are able to negotiate credible and sustainable protection of property rights, they may be willing to lift their bans on institutional change and a transfer of power to other social groups. They may also allow for the development of an urban class of entrepreneurs competing for (scarce) sources of cheap labour.
If the stakes of the elite are primarily vested in the consolidation of a predatory bureaucracy, the economic and political position of the elite are maximal overlapping. In this context a transfer of power or the development of new sectors poses such a severe threat to the distributive status quo, that the elites are willing to bear the very high costs of violent repression and armed conflicts. - Doctorandus Ewaut Frankema
Redistribution and economic decline
According to Frankema, social inequality is the leitmotif of Latin American politics. Both political and economic forces, both national and international, affect the extent of income inequality. Frankema makes clear that differences in income increased up to about 1920, then declined until in the 1970s they began to increase sharply again. In the period between 1920 and 1970, the increasing power of trades unions and left-wing political parties resulted in a redistribution:
The period after 1975 was a period of economic decline, caused by increasing international competition and a huge national debt. Frankema: ‘If factories have to close due to an economic crisis, it’s usually the poor who lose their jobs first. The inflation that struck Latin American countries hard in the 1980s also hit the poor the hardest. The rich with their money safely in Swiss bank accounts were not hit at all.’
Ending poverty
According to Frankema, poverty policy should be less about redistribution and more about development. If Latin American countries can put the past to rest by tackling ethnic discrimination and the inequality of land ownership, for example, then he thinks that it will be possible to tackle poverty issues in the region in a constructive way.
Frankema: ‘The redistribution of income via taxes is very nice in the short term, but is not effective enough in the long term. Before you can beat poverty in the long term you have to allow people to participate in the labour process, invest more in the quality of the public education system and ensure that the starting point for government policy is “equal opportunities for everyone”.’
Picture: child of a family of landless farmers in Brazil. The family has joined the Movimento Sem Terra (“The Landless Movement”), Latin America's largest social movement.
References:
Biopact: Income inequality in Latin America is not persistent - March 03, 2008.
Ewout Frankema, "The Colonial Origins of Inequality: Exploring the Causes and Consequences of Land Distribution" [*.pdf], Research Memorandum GD-81, Groningen Growth and Development Centre, July 2006.
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Monday, March 03, 2008
Climate change could increase plant frost damage
The authors of the report, Lianhong Gu and his colleagues at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ONRL) and collaborators at NASA, the University of Missouri, and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), found that the freeze killed new leaves, shoots, flowers, and fruit of natural vegetation, caused crown dieback of trees, and led to severe damage to crops in an area encompassing Nebraska, Maryland, South Carolina, and Texas. Subsequent drought limited regrowth.
The findings could have serious implications for agriculture and for future climate predictions as both local photosynthetic activity and biomass productivity can dramatically decline as a result of such events. Lower biomass productivity means a lower capacity to sequester carbon dioxide, thus disturbing the carbon cycle. The potential for such freeze events preceded by warm periods, may also complicate farmers' planting decisions.
The event
The 2007 spring freeze was caused by a winter configuration of the jet stream, which brought an Arctic airmass deep into the eastern two-thirds of the conterminous United States, breaking low temperature records in dozens of locations. The spatial extent of the event is delineated approximately by the daily minimum temperature anomaly as determined by the terrestrial observation and prediction system (TOPS) (figure 1, click to enlarge).
Spring freezing events are not unusual in this part of the United States; it is unusual, however, to have such an extreme freeze event after extended periods of above-normal temperatures.
At an AmeriFlux site in central Missouri, the daily minimum temperature exceeded 15 degrees Celsius (°C) for a week just before the sustained April freeze, which at its coldest reached –7°C. The daily minimum temperature also exceeded 15°C eight times during the two weeks leading up to the freeze event, which at its coldest reached –5°C, at the Walker Branch watershed station in Tennessee (figures 2a and b, click to enlarge).
This stretch of high late-winter temperatures preceding the freeze, coupled with above-normal warmth earlier in March, caused that month in 2007 to be the warmest March on record at the Walker Branch station and also at the nearby Oak Ridge, Tennessee, station (mean temperature of 13.7°C; period of record, 1948–2007).
The unusually warm periods before the 2007 spring freeze caused plants to break dormancy early throughout the southern part of the central and eastern United States. When the cold, Arctic air subsequently moved into the region, the stage was set for the freeze to decimate newly grown tissues of crops, horticultural plants, and native forest species:
energy :: sustainability ::biomass :: bioenergy :: agriculture :: frost :: vegetation :: carbon cycle :: global warming :: climate change ::
The 2007 spring freeze hit agriculture particularly hard. Severe and widespread damage to crops was reported from Nebraska to Maryland in the north, and from Texas to South Carolina in the south. Farmers in several states considered this freezing event “the worst ever seen,” andmany sought federal farm disaster relief. For example, the agricultural loss in North Carolina alone was estimated at $111.7 million, and Governor Mike Easley requested federal disaster declaration for crop damage in 56 counties.
From a rushing “green wave” to a collapsing “green retreat”
Images of the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) from MODIS before the freeze indicated that vegetation in the southeastern United States and the southern part of the Midwest was developing rapidly, and showed the vernal front reaching as far north as northern Missouri.
After the freeze, the vernal front was pushed back tomid-state locations in Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia (figure 3, click to enlarge; compare the dark green areas in panels a and b). The regionwide phenological development in 2007 (figure 3a, 3b) also presented a marked contrast to that in 2006 (figure 3c, 3d). Before the spring freeze in 2007, the southeastern NDVI was developing much faster than in 2006 (figure 3, compare panels a and c). After the freeze, the opposite pattern is clearly evident (figure 3, compare panels b and d). The freeze effectively and nearly instantaneously turned a rushing green wave of vegetation development into a green retreat.
Impact on the carbon cycle and climate change
All signs have so far indicated that the 2007 spring freeze had at least a short-term, profound effect on the terrestrial carbon cycle inmuch of the central and eastern United States during the crucial period of spring phenological development. In fact, for the period 7–14 April 2007, the fraction of absorbed photosynthetically active radiation, a sensitive indicator of terrestrial primary production (computed by TOPS), was markedly lower than the 2001–2006 average for the same period.
At the Missouri Ozark AmeriFlux site, reduced forest carbon uptake and altered surface energy balance were observed after the freeze. It also appears that regrowth did not yield the normal maximal leaf area indices of major deciduous forest biomes found in the freeze-affected region in previous years.
Given the severity and spatial extent of the damage in 2007 to managed and natural vegetation throughout the southeast, onemight question how strong the terrestrial carbon sink was that year in the United States, and speculate on long-lasting impacts beyond the 2007 growing season.
The 2007 spring freeze coincided with the release of the fourth assessment report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). This report concluded that it is “virtually certain” that the 21st century will have “fewer cold days and nights overmost land areas”. In view of this prediction, what implications does the 2007 spring freeze have for terrestrial ecosystems in a warming global climate?
To address this question, the researchers draw a line between frost frequency and risk of frost damage in the context of climate change. Reduced frost frequency does not necessarily mean reduced risk of frost damage. Farmers and other landmanagers may respond to warming and reduced frost frequency by planting earlier or by planting alternative species.
Natural plant populations and animal species might advance the development of crucial phenological phases, or with sufficient time, shift their ranges poleward or to higher elevations. With such adjustments and adaptations, the risk of frost damage could remain the same or even become greater.
In addition to the distinction between frost frequency and risk of frost damage, the scientists also considered the myriad interactive effects among changing environmental factors crucial for plant growth, including atmospheric CO2 concentration, temperature,water availability, snowcover, ozone concentration, and ultraviolet-B (UV-B). Without taking these factors into account, it is impossible to fully appreciate the seemingly paradoxical risk of frost damage to plants in a warming climate.
An obvious issue of concern is the effect that higher atmospheric CO2 concentrations would have on plant tolerance and resistance to low temperatures both early and late in the growing season. Experimental results suggest that responses are most likely species-specific, but there is amounting consensus that, formany plant species, growth under elevated CO2 can reduce their resistance and tolerance to freezing temperatures.
The reduction in tolerance appears to be caused by a slowdown in low-temperature acclimation, which is caused by higher daytime leaf temperatures due to reduced stomatal conductance under elevated CO2. Furthermore, elevated CO2, alone or interacting with UV-B, may increase the foliar ice nucleation temperatures of both evergreen and deciduous species, and thus make them vulnerable even to moderately cold conditions.
Gu and his colleagues propose that the 2007 spring freeze should not be viewed as an isolated event, but as a realistic climate-change scenario. Further study of its long-term consequences could help refine scenarios for ecosystem changes as carbon dioxide levels increase and the climate warms.
References:
Lianhong Gu, et. al. "The 2007 Eastern US Spring Freeze: Increased Cold Damage in a Warming World?", BioScience, March 2008 / Vol. 58 No. 3
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posted by Biopact team at 6:09 PM 3 comments links to this post